The politics of nationalism and white racism in the UK

This paper considers the contemporary significance of white racism and its association with nationalist sentiment amongst a cohort late middle aged white Britons, using survey responses and qualitative interviews from the 1958 National Child Development Study. We have shown that although overt racis...

Full description

Saved in:  
Bibliographic Details
Main Author: Flemmen, Magne (Author)
Contributors: Savage, Mike
Format: Electronic Article
Language:English
Published: 2017
In: The British journal of sociology
Year: 2017, Volume: 68, Pages: 233-264
Online Access: Presumably Free Access
Volltext (Resolving-System)
Journals Online & Print:
Drawer...
Check availability: HBZ Gateway
Keywords:

MARC

LEADER 00000naa a2200000 c 4500
001 1689328924
003 DE-627
005 20200205161432.0
007 cr uuu---uuuuu
008 200205s2017 xx |||||o 00| ||eng c
024 7 |a 10.1111/1468-4446.12311  |2 doi 
035 |a (DE-627)1689328924 
035 |a (DE-599)KXP1689328924 
040 |a DE-627  |b ger  |c DE-627  |e rda 
041 |a eng 
100 1 |a Flemmen, Magne  |e VerfasserIn  |4 aut 
245 1 4 |a The politics of nationalism and white racism in the UK  |c Magne Flemmen and Mike Savage 
264 1 |c 2017 
336 |a Text  |b txt  |2 rdacontent 
337 |a Computermedien  |b c  |2 rdamedia 
338 |a Online-Ressource  |b cr  |2 rdacarrier 
520 |a This paper considers the contemporary significance of white racism and its association with nationalist sentiment amongst a cohort late middle aged white Britons, using survey responses and qualitative interviews from the 1958 National Child Development Study. We have shown that although overt racism is very limited, a substantial minority of white Britons display ambivalent feelings which have the potential to be mobilised in racist directions. We argue against the view that disadvantaged white working class respondents are especially xenophobic, and show that racist views are not strongly associated with social position. In exploring the clustering of different nationalist and racist sentiments amongst economic and cultural elites, and comparing these with ‘disenfranchised’ respondents with little economic and cultural capital, we show that it is actually the elite who are most likely to articulate ‘imperial racism’. By contrast, the ‘disenfranchised’ articulate a kind of anti‐establishment nationalism which is not strongly racist. We also show that the elite are strongly internally divided, with a substantial number of the cultural elite being strongly anti‐racist and committed to multi‐culturalism, so generating strong internal factionalism between elite positions. Our paper therefore underscores how intensifying inequalities have facilitated the volatility and variability of nationalist and racist sentiment. 
700 1 |a Savage, Mike  |e VerfasserIn  |4 aut 
773 0 8 |i Enthalten in  |t The British journal of sociology  |d Oxford : Wiley-Blackwell, 1950  |g Volume 68 (2017), S1, Seite S233-264  |w (DE-627)302468587  |w (DE-600)1491378-1  |w (DE-576)079719996  |x 1468-4446  |7 nnas 
773 1 8 |g volume:68  |g year:2017  |g supplement:S1  |g pages:233-264 
856 |u https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdfdirect/10.1111/1468-4446.12311  |x unpaywall  |z Vermutlich kostenfreier Zugang  |h publisher [deprecated] 
856 4 0 |u https://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12311  |x Resolving-System  |3 Volltext 
951 |a AR 
ELC |a 1 
LOK |0 000 xxxxxcx a22 zn 4500 
LOK |0 001 3588027203 
LOK |0 003 DE-627 
LOK |0 004 1689328924 
LOK |0 005 20200205161432 
LOK |0 008 200205||||||||||||||||ger||||||| 
LOK |0 040   |a DE-21-110  |c DE-627  |d DE-21-110 
LOK |0 689   |a s  |a Racism 
LOK |0 689   |a s  |a Nationalism 
LOK |0 689   |a s  |a Elites 
LOK |0 689   |a s  |a Brexit 
LOK |0 689   |a s  |a United Kingdom 
LOK |0 852   |a DE-21-110 
LOK |0 852 1  |9 00 
LOK |0 935   |a krub 
OAS |a 1 
ORI |a SA-MARC-krimdoka001.raw